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London Conference on Afghanistan: Press Conference |
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La conferenza stampa finale del 28 gennaio in conclusione della Conferenza di Londra
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29 Gennaio 2010 | documenti | |||
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London Conference on Afghanistan: Press Conference 28 Jan 2010 Transcript of press conference given by the Foreign Secretary David Miliband, Special Representative Kai Eide and the Afghani Foreign Minister, Dr Rangin Spanta. Speaker: Foreign Secretary David Miliband, Afghani Foreign Minister Dr Rangin Spanta & Special Rep. Kai Eid Event: Afghanistan: The London Conference Location: Lancaster House David Miliband: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Welcome to the concluding press conference of today’s conference on Afghanistan. I am here with on my left, Special Representative Kai Eide, and on my right, Dr Rangin Spanta, Foreign Minister of Afghanistan and now the Special Representative of President Karzai, both in respect of this conference and in respect of future activities. You’ve had distributed to you the communiqué, and I’d just like to confirm to you that the version you’ve been given is the final version. Although it says ‘Check against delivery’ at the top of it, you’ll be relieved to hear I’m not going to read it all out. But I do want to report to you on today’s conference and give you some of the highlights of the communiqué in case by any chance you missed them. The unifying theme of the conference was that the Afghan people want and deserve a better future. We were delighted that two representatives of Afghan civil society were able to speak to the conference this afternoon. All speakers paid their respects to the military and civilian staff, Afghan and international, who have been killed or wounded over the last eight and a half years, and also emphasised that 2010 was going to be a decisive year in the Afghan campaign; decisive because there is a new government in Kabul, decisive because there is a refreshed counterinsurgency strategy, decisive because there is an international commitment of at least 60,000 or more troops, and decisive too because alongside the increase in military effort, there is a sustained civilian surge now in place, both in terms of civilian personnel, in terms of development aid—which I will come to—and also the coordination of the international mission. It’s because 2010 is such an important year, that Prime Minister Gordon Brown convened at this conference and why over 70 countries and international organisations joined us today. The aim of the conference was to align the military and civilian resources of every coalition partner behind a clear political strategy, to help President Karzai and his government deliver the ambitious agenda that he set out in his inaugural speech last November. The themes of mutual responsibility, Afghan and international, and of unity behind a clear plan came through very strongly indeed. I hope you’ve had a chance to look at the communiqué. It explains how the international community is going to upgrade the engagement with the Afghan authorities in three key areas: those of security, governance and development and regional relations. In respect of security, I want to highlight the new figures for the growth of the Afghan National Security forces in 2011: 171,000 in the army, 130,000 in the police by the autumn of 2011, supported by commitments from the international community. Alongside that growth is the endorsement of NATO’s plan for the transition to Afghan security leadership province by province. The intention is for some provinces to transition by late 2010, early 2011, on the road to meeting President Karzai’s commitment that half of Afghanistan’s provinces would have Afghan security leadership within three years, and the whole of Afghanistan be within Afghan security leadership within five. I also want to highlight the presentation to the conference by Minister Stanekzai in respect of the reintegration and reconciliation program that President Karzai has set out. President Karzai has said today that he will be reconvening a National Reconciliation Council and Peace Jirga. And the international community has responded with significant funding to help support that. Today alone there have been over $140 million for the first year of the national reintegration program, and we are committed to seeing that through. Secondly, in respect of governance and development, Afghanistan will receive about $1.6 billion in debt relief. It has now qualified for the HIPC highly-indebted country status, and the presentation from the IMF explained how the new IMF program will build on the really rather remarkable achievements of Afghanistan in 2009, a year marked by security challenges, but by economic growth. The Afghan government has also agreed steps to tackle the issue of corruption. President Karzai has repeated his commitment to tackle what he called the ‘culture of impunity’ in respect of corruption. There will be an independent high office for oversight, and the international community will be supporting the anti-corruption drive. Once conditions for the delivery of aid are met, the proportion of development assistance channelled through the government will rise to 50% within two years. Finally, within respect of the regional contribution, I was in Istanbul on Tuesday with Dr Spanta and colleagues, talking with all the neighbours of Afghanistan and the regional partners about how they’re going to play a role in supporting stability in Afghanistan. That was strongly repeated today by the regional representatives, led by the foreign minister of Turkey. And we look forward to Afghanistan’s regional engagement being taken to a new level. I should also point out that the international community has recognised the need for us to up our game, just as we call on the Afghan government to up their game. Stefan di Mistura was introduced to the conference by Kai Eide. He will take over as Special Representative of the UN Secretary General in March, after March 6. And I would like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the way in which Mr Eide has taken forward his work over the last two years, with a humanity, bravery and commitment that speaks to all the values of the UN. I’m also pleased at the very positive endorsement that came for the appointment of Ambassador Mark Sedwell as the new NATO Civilian Representative. Let me just conclude by saying that the biggest deliverable of all from this conference is not just the individual items that I’ve listed now. The biggest deliverable is the unity and coherence in the international effort and its alignment behind a very clear Afghan plan. I believe that 65 or 70 foreign ministers will leave today’s conference very clear not just about the challenges in Afghanistan, but how they will be met, first of all by the Afghan authorities, but critically with the support of the international community. With that I am happy to hand over to Dr Spanta to say a few words, then Special Representative Eide, and then we’ll be happy to take your questions. Dr Spanta: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Foreign Minister David Miliband, I have to thank you, your government, and the people of the Great Britain for your generosity and hospitality extended to me and the Afghan delegation and for your excellent organisation of this important gathering on Afghanistan. Indeed this is the second important conference in London on Afghanistan. And this was a special occasion to reiterate and underline the commitment of the international community for my country, for my people, for strengthening peace, stability, and address the common challenges, such as international terrorism, as a common threat for us and for you here in the heart of London. As you mentioned, Mr Foreign Secretary, the Afghanistan desire was [?] to take more responsibility and to demonstrate ownership of the whole process of estate building in my country. And this process, the issues of sustainable development, good governance, strengthening peace and stability, are the issues and desires and dreams of my people and myself, of course. And to realise this dream we Afghans are ready to take more responsibility for Afghanistan and for the future of our people. In this regard, to address the challenges we need the long-term commitment from the international community, because Afghanistan is affected three decades through war and intervention. This is our firm commitment and determination to take responsibility to defend our country. In this regard we need your support for [?] and adequate equipment for Afghan National Security Forces to address regional challenges. From Afghanistan point of views the problem of terrorism is not an especial Afghan phenomenon. This is a regional problem with universal and international impact, and we have to address this challenge together. Allow me once again to thank you during the last years for your collaboration and support with myself, as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan, and Mr Kai Eide, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General. I have to thank you for your engagement for Afghan people, for your support, especially for the human rights and women’s rights movement in Afghanistan, for freedom of speech that, in the past, we have made one of the central topics of our common activities. Today was a good day again for Afghanistan, we renewed our common commitment as compact [?] for Afghanistan and we are ready to take more responsibility in three years, as you mentioned, for the critical provinces and districts of Afghanistan. We will work to take the leadership of responsibility mainly for the whole of Afghanistan within five years. Thank you very much; it was a great opportunity to be in London again, thank you for inviting me. David Miliband: Thank you, Dr Spanta. Special Representative Kai Eide: Thank you very much, Foreign Secretary Miliband. Let me first say that I believe that this conference has perhaps, for the first time, set out a clear agenda with clearer priorities from the Afghan government than we have seen from any previous conference. When we were in Paris the development strategy was approved but it was a broad agenda; I think we now have a much more strategic approach to where we want to go with regard to economic development and institution building, both on the security side and on the civilian side. I do believe that today we have a clearer, more comprehensive strategy than we have had before. Let me also say that is the first time that the question of reconciliation and reintegration has played such a role at any international conference and with such strong support from the international community. That, to me, is important and, as has been said by Secretary Miliband and Dr Spanta, we have today committed to a transition strategy which means that we and the international community must give more authority and more responsibility to the Afghan government and to the Afghan people. We have set certain clear objectives with regard to the development of the Afghan police and the Afghan army, but we will also set a roadmap for the further period between now and Kabul. What I expect in Kabul—when the conference takes place sometime later this year—is that we will have equally clear and precise plans for how to develop the civilian institutions and the economy. Let me say a few words on that. We are in a situation today where we spend much too much money on quick impact projects; we must divert resources to building institutions so that the Afghans themselves can deliver their services to the people, and we must develop the Afghan economy in a way that they can sustain what these services will cost in the future. I think between now and Kabul, we must have concrete plans in place for how the international community can come behind the Afghan government in that respect. To me this conference was a clear sign that we are all in the transition strategy which is tremendously important for the future of this country. Thank you. David Miliband: Good, thank you very much. We are now going to take some questions. Question: Tim Marshall, Sky News London: Thank you, Foreign Secretary. The transition strategy is now coming into focus; part of it is supporting the fund to pay members of the Taleban at various levels to basically switch sides: rent them, buy them, it depends on your terminology. Can you deal with the issue that will arise from that? That is, do you believe that there is any moral ambiguity in sending British soldiers out to fight at the same time as trying to pay the Taleban not to fight? I think it is a question that perhaps some of the families of the soldiers serving will be asking. David Miliband: I think that the soldiers’ families from every part of the coalition, as well as the families of the Afghan soldiers, want the war to end as soon as possible. Part of that strategy requires military force, part of it requires a civilian development strategy to hold the loyalty of the Afghan people, but all of that must be part of a new political settlement in Afghanistan. I do not accept that the reintegration fund has been established simply to, in your words, ‘rent back’ those insurgents who are currently being paid $10, $20 or $30 a day to fight for the insurgency. That fund will help ensure the employment, the infrastructure and the organisation of a serious drive for political engagement that will offer long-term security for communities in Afghanistan and better enable them to defend themselves because people are arguing out their political differences within the political space, and only those committed to global Jihad and committed to violence are outside. It is very, very important that we underline what Representative Eide has said today; the unity across the international coalition and the political space in Afghanistan must be extended to include significant numbers who have previously been excluded. This is very important. Why? Because grievances need to be pursued by politics, not through violence, and President Karzai’s insistence this morning that those who want to come into politics must respect the Afghan constitution, including its commitments to the equal rights of all members is a very important part of that. So I hope that the soldiers, as well as the diplomats and aid workers, from across the international community will recognise that today there is a viable and clear goal for bringing this conflict to an end, and that is one in which military force is deployed in order to support a clear political strategy. Question: Dave Stringer, Associated Press: A question for Dr Spanta: also on the reintegration programme. Can you say how high up in the Taleban hierarchy you anticipate this reintegration programme will reach? Can you say whether members of the Taleban will be invited to the peace jirga and how soon, if at all, do you expect it will be until reconciled Taleban fighters could perhaps join the Afghanistan government? Dr Spanta: The reintegration and reconciliation strategy of the Afghan government is not to share political power with the Taleban; it is a process to bring all the Taleban who are simple Afghan countryside citizens that are not happy with our government or they are [?] by the hard core of the Taleban, because the other reason they are fighting is that we have to help bring them back to the society of Afghanistan and give them the prospect of a better life, job, education and a future. This is our responsibility and they are, from our point of view, the majority of Taleban. The hard-line are the ideologically-oriented leadership of the Taleban; either they are part of al-Qaeda or they have their own business, either way they are not ready to work with each other and we also have to encourage them for reconciliation. Some members of the Taleban today are in the Afghan parliament and are living a peaceful life, and this is the responsibility of government because the effort to bring stability and peace in Afghanistan is not only to reach with the military toll [?]. We have to have a comprehensive strategy with the reconstruction and development element, the peaceful element, and also negotiation and dialogue with all those elements that they are ready to put down their arms. This is the responsibility of the government of Afghanistan and they are absolutely the majority in the [?] insurgence. Question: The Guardian: A question for the Foreign Secretary: when the Prime Minister announced that this conference would take place, he said that one of the things that it would agree would be the process of transition district by district, province by province, to Afghan forces. I have seen a communiqué that the agreement on that plan has been put back to the Kabul conference. He also said that five provinces would be under Afghan led responsibility by the end of the year, and now it says that just a number of provinces would make the transition. Has this been one area in which this conference has fallen short of expectation? David Miliband: I do not think so, no, because if you look at the agreement of NATO, the North Atlantic Council, earlier this week, I discussed this with Secretary Rasmussen on Monday and the North Atlantic Council met on Tuesday. They agreed very detailed trigger points for transition; they had agreed the process by which the security and political aspects of decision making on transitions would take place. They agreed the balance between local decisions and coalition agreements in Brussels exactly as the Prime Minister has said. This was a forcing point to ensure that the international community and the Afghan authorities were clear about how the transition to Afghan security leadership would take place. At every stage we said that this conference is about mobilising international civilian and military effort, and at all stages we said that the key was then for the baton to be passed on to the Kabul conference where the Afghan plan and the international plan would be married together. That is indeed happening and I think that the presentation by General McChrystal this morning, as well as by the Secretary General of NATO, showed the seriousness of purpose exists within NATO to ensure this transition strategy informs the details of military planning and military operations, and I think that you will see that forced through and developed over the course of the next year and a half. Questions: My question to the Foreign Secretary is: would Britain support, or the international community support, having local agreements inside Pakistan with the Pakistani forces fighting the Taleban? And to His Excellency the Foreign Minister – do you have any plans for the rehabilitation of the 2.5million refugees living inside Pakistan for the past thirty years, which could be a breeding ground for the terrorists. So, any plans for that? David Miliband: Well, I think that the example of Pakistan is very important in thinking through the twin strategies of military and political together. I think you will know that the experiences in Pakistan show that if you only pursue a political strategy of deal making with an insurgency, or only a military strategy, it will not work as you need both the military effort and the clear political offer that those who are willing to renounce violence and live within the constitution will have a place to do so. We have strongly supported the initiative of the government of Pakistan, and the people of Pakistan, over the last year in taking on the insurgency which exists in their midst and which is such a threat to the Pakistani state and to the Pakistani people. I think the fact that there is now military pressure on both sides of the Afghan and Pakistan border for the first time in a long time is very significant. I think the fact that the Afghan and Pakistani authorities are cooperating with each other, rather than pointing fingers at each other is a very significant step forward. I also believe that the recognition that stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan are linked represents a very significant step forward to the sort of regional collaboration that is going to be at the heart of any political settlement, and Afghanistan has been the chessboard, the victim if you like, of other countries policies for far too long. I believe that there is now a fighting chance of ensuring that Afghanistan is able to have the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity that its people have craved for so long. Dr Spanta: Afghanistan received 5.3 million Afghan refugees during the last seven years from Pakistan and Iran. This is a tremendous amount of refugees after the second armed war and the reintegration of this number of refugees is an historical task for a poor and conflict-affected Afghanistan. The social and economic repatriation and integration of this number is a very difficult job, but we still have a huge number of refugees in Pakistan and Iran. We are in close contact with the authorities in Islamabad and Tehran with the support and corroborations of UNHCR to organise the repatriation of this big number of Afghan refugees, and in many ways social and economic repatriation is not only to bring the people back. As you rightly mentioned we have nearly two million refugees in Pakistan and nearly two million in Iran, we have created a repatriation strategy for this number and we need money, patience and the solidarity of our brothers in Pakistan and Iran, and time. Question: I have two questions and my first is to Foreign Secretary Miliband and the second question is to Dr Spanta. To Mr Miliband, Iran is a neighbouring country to Afghanistan and was invited to this conference but has not participated. Do you think it would be beneficial to this conference to have the support of this country for the regional solution of this conflict? My question to Dr Spanta is that the next conference will be in Kabul and some elements of the Taleban were omitted as members of a terrorist group by the United Nations, do you think that some of these elements will be invited to the reintegration and reconciliation at this peace conference, as representatives of the Taleban? David Mliband: You are right that Iran’s foreign minister was invited to this conference in the same way as the foreign ministers of all the other countries, but for some inexplicable reason he chose not to attend. I say that it is inexplicable because on the occasions that I have met Minister Mottaki he has talked to me about the damage and danger that instability in Afghanistan poses to Iran. He has talked to me about the damage and danger of drugs coming from Afghanistan to Iran which is one reason, among a number, for why we thought it was right to invite Iran to participate in this conference just like any other country. We think it is deeply regrettable as well as inexplicable that they failed to attend given that the Ambassador of Iran was invited to attend the conference if Dr Mottaki was unable to attend because of other pressing engagements, but he also found it impossible to attend the conference. I think it is very important in international relations that countries say what they mean and mean what they say. We meant it when we said that we thought Iran should attend and play a positive role in this conference. They have said before that they want to play a positive role in promoting stability in Afghanistan but I think that their failure to attend the conference means that many countries in the region and beyond will draw their own conclusions about the dissonance between the words and the deeds. I think that is deeply regrettable and I hope in future that the Iranian government realise that they are not the victim of other peoples conspiracies but are the authors of their own misfortune. Dr Spanta: I would prefer to respond to your question in German but because we are in London I have to speak with my half English. There are two different gatherings planned in Kabul; one is the Kabul conference which will be complimenting the conference in London and we have to go into detail about the implementation of concrete projects in Kabul. The other gathering is the peace gathering that is concerning domestic issues and is an inter-Afghan dialogue occasion, which will be led by President Karzai in a few weeks, and this conference we will invite the elders from different parts of the country, the [?] of Afghan society, the representatives of civil society of Afghanistan, to come together and discuss the issue of how we can make peace with each other, because this is our issue, issue of Afghans. The delisting history is a long history [?]. Those elements and leadership of Taleban, they are leaving since eight years in Kabul. They are number four of the five, which was requested to the [?] of Afghanistan two years ago, and our ambassador to the United Nations, they [?] the request of Afghanistan for delisting of the request of Afghan government. Some Taleban leadership, we are very happy that they did it. We have to talk to the all new citizens of Afghanistan that they are not the integral part of Al Qaeda and they already are to respect and accept the Afghan constitution, human rights and, from my point of view, women’s rights and absolute gender equality. Question: Bénédicte Paviot, France 24: Speaking of women’s rights, question for Mr Spanta and question for Mr Miliband. A few hours ago in this very conference, I was approached by a group of Afghani women. They represent 200 associations of Afghani women and they are appalled, they told me, at the fact that President Karzai’s government is approaching the Taleban and I’d like your response, gentlemen, to that. David Miliband: I think that the groups and women that you’re talking about are in the room here. One of them made a very powerful presentation to the conference. What I think they’ve expressed to me, both last night and today, is that we have to mean what we say about people coming within the Afghan constitution, because the Afghan constitution is clear about the equal rights that should be afforded to men and women and when we say, and when President Karzai says, that those who are willing to live within the Afghan constitution should do so, we couldn’t be clearer. I think it’s right that we present, and the Afghan government, actually, presents a very clear choice to the insurgency: either you reconcile within the politics of Afghanistan and respect its constitution, or you face unremitting military force, led by Afghans with international support, and the choice is with those who would use violence to overturn the rights of women and men in Afghanistan by using violence, and those who are willing to use the constitution and their security forces to defend the integrity of the words in the constitution, and I hope that – I see that there are a lot of ladies nodding – I hope that provides the sort of explanation that they want to hear, because there was a very powerful testimony today and it’s reflected in a number of points in the communiqué, that the problems of poverty, the problems of political disaffiliation, the problems of ethnic fragmentation, all require the engagement of Afghan women in a very, very strong way, and I think that that was a message that Secretary Clinton reinforced extremely strongly in her contribution today. It’s a message that I think has been taken on board. It always bears repeating and I think that that’s why the engagement today was so important. But to underline the point, reintegration and reconciliation is not about selling out on Afghanistan’s constitution, it’s about defending Afghanistan’s constitution. Dr Spanta: Ma’am, the issue of human rights and democratisation is not a package that we can take from Europe and bring to other socio-political circumstances. It is a process we have also in Europe and this depends between the theory and the reality of freedom and equality. We have also in London, we have in Berlin and other places, but to remove this discrepancy and this gap between the reality and vision, that is our job, to act together through the concentrated struggle for better life and democratisation worldwide, including Afghanistan. I am absolutely against that Eurocentric theory that believes that democracy is only for European countries. Human rights, freedom of speech is the right, the universal right for all humanity, but the realisation of that, we need time and strategical... that’s very painful, [?] patience. I can tell you from my own experiences, that it’s exactly as I demonstrated for better rights in my country, I was 14 years old and that is 42 years, still I am working for removing the same and equal problems. Now, we have to work together, but despite all those difficulties, to take the constitution of Afghanistan, compare it to the other constitutions in the region, it’s a very progressive constitution. We are the only country in the region, that I inform you not as former foreign minister, as expert in this regard, we are the only country that adapted the international law, the Universal Human Rights Declaration as part of our national rights, and our commitment to this Universal Declaration of Human Rights which includes also gender equality. But, the realisation of the content of this declaration, for the realisation, we need more time, patience and calm [?]. Question: My question to Mr Miliband and the UN representative is this: it’s the first time in the history that Pakistani people are united against terrorism and they’re behind the Pakistani army to fight extremism, but there is also a growing concern about the drone attacks which is conducted by the American forces on the soil of Pakistan. It’s producing more and more terrorists. You gather today here almost 70 countries and you are trying to talk with the Taleban and other factions as well. Do you think it’s appropriate to conduct drone attacks on the soil of Pakistan? To Mr Miliband and to the UN representative. David Miliband: I think that one important change over the last year is that the importance of Pakistan to Afghanistan and the importance of Afghanistan to Pakistan is no longer being forgotten. That’s a significant shift under the Obama administration. The Pakistani authorities want more help in taking on the economic, political and security challenges that they face, but, as you indicate in your question, Pakistan is an independent country, a sovereign country which wants to have control over its own territory and its own affairs. We think that the growing dialogue between America and Pakistan is a good thing. We think, as a friend both of Pakistan and of America, they need to work together, and so my message in respect of your question is that Pakistan and America need to match the desire of Pakistan for help with the desire of America to give that help, in the face of some common challenges, and it’s that cooperation and dialogue that I think needs to be the answer to the question that you’re posing. Special Representative Kai Eide: I also must echo fully what the Secretary said. Can I add a few words about the peace process? I believe that the reintegration process is important, but it has to be paralleled and accompanied by a political reconciliation process. How does that process get underway? We all know from other conflict areas that it’s a complex process, it will take time. I believe that the delisting that you saw a couple of days ago is a psychologically important step, it is a confidence-building measure. I believe it should also be followed by going through the list of detainees that exist, for instance, at Bagram and to see if there are people there who could be taken out of detention. That would also, I believe, be a confidence-building measure, but let me add to that, such confidence-building measures from the Afghan government and international community have to be met by similar signals from the other side. If not, it will not be possible to get the peace process underway. With regard to the role of women here – and this is a question I have repeatedly, and it is serious – we cannot compromise, in the sense that we initiate and we conduct a peace process at the expense of the human rights of any Afghan, and certainly not the human rights of half the population of Afghanistan. That is impossible and I think there is a clear red line. If there is to be a meaningful peace process, it must be a peace process where we get together and look forward and not backwards. I think these are important preconditions for any peace process to really lead anywhere. Chair: I’m afraid we’re out of time. We're out of time now, thank you all very much. |
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